The Fabric Of The Rural Areas of Northwestern Kea (Tzia) From the Time of Independence Till Today

Elias Kokkinos, Athanasios Zoulias (Architects - Planners)

Dedicated to all those who love the island of Tzia and struggle to maintain its traditional character.

1. Introductory Note

This presentation is based on observations made over the past years by myself and my colleague Athanasios Zoulias on the island of Tzia. It is also based on studies and reports by ethnologist/ archeologist T. W. Whitelaw^(*) at St. John's College of Cambridge between 1989-1990.

Initially, we present the ways our area of interest is organized, concentrating mostly in rural areas. This will, later on, be used in researching the settlements' fabric and the changes it has undergone. Meanwhile, we offer a first evaluation of contemporary socio-economic facts and of the ways they affect change in the island's fabric in terms of both the built environment and land uses.

2. The Ways of Organization of the Rural Landscape

The most impressive elements of rural organization in the NW of Tzia are the constructions that structurally support or define the "fields", meaning the cultivated land: Ground retaining walls ("pezoules"), stonewalls (ownership boundaries), pathways and roads (access ways).

Although retaining walls are widely used throughout the south of Greece, those in the island of Tzia present certain particular properties. It is estimated that retaining walls have been built on 84% of the NW region of the island (that is, 13 kmē in total) at some point within the time frame examined. If one was to add the flat plains of cultivated land (mainly valleys), one could estimate that 90% of that region was cultivated for a shorter or longer period of time.

(Source: T.W.Whitelaw, Cambridge, 1989)

The height of these particular structures varies from a few centimeters to more than 2 meters. The purpose of retaining walls is to protect flat or sloping levels (2 to 4 meters wide) from erosion. The manner of construction varies widely. Some are masterfully constructed and resilient while others are simple piles of stones. A certain type also stands out, that of a low, wide retaining wall with steps formulated in intervals along its span. This type was mainly used in vineyard areas and in slightly sloping levels.

It is almost impossible to define the time of construction of most retaining walls. It is, however, supported that in areas of which the ground is stable and bares no evidence of erosion (e.g. areas with a lot of plants or areas whose plant-life has not been depleted due to pasture) the retaining walls could date as back as to ancient times.

The state in which the retaining walls are found can be classified as follows:

• Retaining walls that appear only as traces on the ground.
• Destroyed but evident structures.
• Structures that have been partially destroyed.
• Retaining walls in good condition.

The state of these structures provides evidence of the time in which the land had been cultivated, in consideration of the following facts:

• From the beginning of the period examined till around 1930 (when emmigrational currents from the island outwards first appeared and the agricultural population started to decline) 90% of the area was being cultivated.
• A reduction in cultivated areas was noted till WWII.
• During the war, the situation stabilized due to the need of the population for self-preservation.
• In the post war era till now, cultivation has gradually limited its presence to the level plains.

In parallel, one should also consider contemporary signs of reversal of these trends, and particularly tourist development (this phenomenon will be further elaborated). Tourism increases the demand for specific agricultural products, mainly fruit and vegetables, thus prompting the re-cultivation of "prominent" areas of sloping ground and the repair of the retaining walls. Furthermore, a lot of retaining walls have been "restored" for reasons other than agricultural activity (e.g. by owners of country-houses for decorative purposes).

Stonewalls have been systematically used (and still are, today) for marking property lines on the ground. Properties vary from big polygon areas that sometimes even include whole hills to smaller squared areas (mainly in fertile areas where land is of a higher value). In general terms, stonewalls appear to be in better condition than retaining walls for two main reasons: (a) they define property lines, therefore today's owners have every interest in preserving them and, (b) as structures they are not subject to the same loads as retaining walls are.

Until WWII the layout of stonewalls changed often as property ownership was also changing throughout the island. By observing stonewalls in relation to the state of retaining walls one can estimate that throughout our area of interest only large estates existed till the time of Independence. These were mainly the property of land-owners (lords) and of the church.

After Independence, there was a radical re-distribution of land. As a result, properties were, gradually, subdivided into smaller lots, with some exceptions mainly at the coastal areas. For all the above reasons it is almost impossible to determine the time of stonewall construction with accuracy.

Today, due to the greater demand for country houses, the phenomenon of subdivision has intensified but the structure of stonewalls remains almost untouched for other methods of delineation of properties are now applied (walls, railings or simply land-surveying).

Until then, our area of interest had a system of pathways spanning about 55km. These accesses were systematically delimited on either side by well constructed stonewalls and their apparently irregular routes actually conformed to the topography of the ground and were very functional. The level of the pathways was usually lower than that of bordering fields (due to the presence of stonewalls that, besides serving as borders, also functioned as supporting walls).

The construction of pathways presented many differentiations and followed a certain hierarchy. The basic pathways were stone-paved and split-levelled in difficult areas. In certain instances road-making applications are apparent, mainly rock scalping. The basic pathways are the most likely to be the oldest for they constituted the boundaries of properties in the pre-Independence period. The rest occurred after consecutive subdivisions of land in later times.

Nowadays, the pathways system has been abandoned and thoroughly substituted by the "road" system. The reasons are basically two: (a) the abandonment of cultivation areas in sloped levels, and (b) the technological changes (use of vehicles for transportation, mechanisation of agricultural activities). For this reason almost all "useful" pathways have been modified into roads of different categories while the vast majority of those in disuse have been rendered inaccessible.

The construction of the first real road (Korissia-Ioulida) dates to 1926. This road was widened in 1984. A smaller one (Korissia- coal-warehouses of St. Irini) was constructed round 1943 serving the refuelling of military ships. From this period till 1965 (when the road connecting Korissia- St.Nikolaos -Otzia was constructed) the situation of the road network remained stable.

From 1965 till now the old disused network of old pathways was replaced by a new extended one comprising of small roads (mainly earth and gravel roads). The primary ones connecting Korissia with "Ksilla" beach, Otzia with the monastery of Kastriani and "Spathi" beach, Ioulida with Pisses and Koundouro and, finally, Korissia with Photimari and Ioulida. The electrical and the water-supply network follow along the basic circulation network.

The construction of the road network in combination with the increase of vehicle ownership (cars, agricultural) had and still has two-way effects in the urban structuring of the area of interest. More analytically:

• The importance of Korissia (port) as a transportation node and services center continuously rises as compared to that of Ioulida (the island's capital).
• The ability to turn agricultural houses into country houses continuously increases as well as the ability to construct new country houses in areas that were previously inaccessible.
• The systematic cultivation of fertile areas, especially for fruit and vegetable products so as to meet the increased demand by tourists (see above) was made easier,
• The daily collection and safe shipment of dairy products from all parts of the island to the market was made possible.

3. The Settlements Fabric in Rural Areas

The development of the road network and the changes in economic activities have significantly influenced the settlement structure of the area of interest and vice-versa. Until 1965, three "compact" settlements existed in the NW of Tzia: Ioulida (then "Hora"), Korissia (the "Livadi") and Vourkari. The settlement fabric was completed with rural houses and other public or private installations, spread out in the area outside the settlements. Since 1965, mainly due to tourist development and the abandonment of agricultural cultivations in sloping lands, a new, relatively compact settlement (Otzias) has been formed while rural houses have either been abandoned or turned into country houses. At the same time, the area out of the settlements is now dotted with new vacation homes while intense building activity also seems to take place.

The purpose of this section is to refer to the architectural and morphological characteristics of country-houses and of other public or private installations in the areas outside the settlements, as they were till about 1965.

Country-houses were, by all evidence, evenly spread out in the cultivated areas of NW Tzia. There were also two "conglomerates" of such buildings at Photimari and at Otzias (where a relative abundance of water sources existed).

The following architectural / structural elements (all or the majority of them) could characterize a building as a "country-house":

• Complete whitewash of exterior walls
• Whitewash of interior spaces combined with selective plastering.
• The existence of, at least, two rooms.
• Interior fireplace
• Exterior furnace.
• Patio.

The construction and the characteristics of country-houses have been described in detail in various studies. In brief, one could mention that in each country-house one room (or more) was used as a kitchen and a place for spending the night (stavli) and the other room as a place for spending the day (stegadi). Stavlia were closed from all sides while the stegadi had an open side towards the patio. Most country-houses were adjacent to pathways. In the yard around the country-houses there were auxiliary installations like: basins for collection of rainwater, winepresses, stables, threshing floors, storing spaces etc. which will be further mentioned below.

Most country-houses that have not been turned into vacation homes are today either ruins or in a very bad state. Let us point here to the existence of some architecturaly notable, old country-houses in mediocre condition that should be restored in the effort to preserve the architectural heritage. The time of construction of country-houses is also very hard to define. A special study could draw conclusions by recording the chronologies of other neighboring structures like retaining walls, the state of buildings and the number of annual layers of whitewash on the walls where, of course, it is still in place.
(Source: T.W.Whitelaw, Cambridge, 1989)

Besides country-houses there are many other private auxiliary installations in the area of interest: Storehouses (small houses), sheep-folds, threshing floors, winepresses and water-basins. The recording of the chronology of such structures is not possible. Besides that, the fact that they are concentrated around country-houses of small properties suggests that their systematic construction started after the redistribution of land in the post-Independence years.

The small houses consisted of one room even though some of them also had a stegadi or a second storing space. Today, there are still small houses in use as well as small houses built according to modern trends in the cultivated areas.

The sheep-folds were structures similar to the small houses. Yet, the small houses can be discerned by sheep-folds by their wide entrances and the existence of some sort of door that can secure the storing space.

The threshing floors were circular structures built of stone or scalped in rock with diameter from 6 to 8 meters. Most threshing floors were built in the middle of fields. Particular attention was paid to the need for the threshing floors to be level, even in sloping grounds with the construction of embankments and supporting walls. Today, none of the threshing floors is used; a fact that proves that the cultivation of cereals has been completely abandoned.

The winepresses were separated into open and closed ones. The closed ones were often parts of country-houses. In contrast to the previous ones, these structures were concentrated in the vineyard areas.

Finally, water-basins were used for collecting rainwater that was used in addition to the water of wells and sources (mainly to water animals). There are no indications of the time of their construction. Also, there have been no discoveries of "complex" water-basins with water purification systems to make water drinkable, unlike what has been discovered in other parts of Greece (e.g. Monemvasia)

(Source: T.W.Whitelaw, Cambridge, 1989)

All the structures that have been described to this point were "private" in the sense that they belonged to specific owners who also took care of their maintenancr. The pathways, which were semi-public, constituted a special case and their maintenance was the obligation of nearby owners. But there were also other structures which, even though mainly used and kept by specific families, were of a public nature. (chapels, sources, quarries, whitewash production sites).

Chapels are a typical case of public buildings of religious nature. This is why chapels (about 100 of them in our area of interest) are well kept till today. They are usually built next to pathways and maintained by one or more neighboring families. Their date of construction cannot be determined due to the fact that thay have all been repaired or rebuilt several times to during the time period examined. No chapels of particular historic interest have been observed (e.g. byzantine sructures).

The most significant sources are located upward in the valley of Mylopotamos. The water of these sources was adequate not just for irrigation but also for the operation of 12 water mills. Today, it is used exclusively for irrigation since the water mills have fallen into decay. There exist also some seasonal sources in Photimari and in Otzia.

Elementary structures are used for the collection / saving and rational use of source water (water basins, sites for laundry washing or animal watering etc.) The maintenance of the sources' installations was a communal responsibility. Today, thanks to the existence of water pumps, private sources are also widely used but without any particular overall planning in relation to their number and their water drawing capacity.

Many small quarries have operated at times in our area of interest. Today, with the increase in building activity there is demand for good quality stone but the issue of the operation of large organized quarries (in relation to the serious negative environmental impacts that they have) has to be examined and dealt with with proper planning.

Whitewash production sites have mainly been concentrated in the area around Yaliskari (where significant resources of whitewash exist). Nowadays, with the use of ready-made whitewash, these installations have fallen into disuse.

4. The Evolution of Settlements in the Rural Landscape

The remarks made till now, as well as the statistical data available, allow for the formation of a picture of the gradual changes in the settlements structure but also in land uses in NW Tzia from the time of Independence till today. As a prelude, one can mention that till the time of Independence almost all of the island's population lived in Ioulida (Hora).

A result of reforms in the property ownership laws after Independence, but also of the improvement in security conditions, country-houses and auxiliary structures started being built out of Ioulida. The creation of agricultural properties (agricultural reform) resulted in the intensification of construction of property borders (xerolithies). It is estimated however, that living in the countryside was seasonal, at least till 1920, with the exception of some southern rural areas.

A seemingly paradox phenomenon is the fact that the agricultural reform did not cover the totality of large properties that already existed in the area. There are two reasons that can help interprete this phenomenon:

• It is possible that parts of large properties covered by retaining walls were completely inappropriate for cultivation either because they were arid or because the species cultivated had started to change and demanded other kinds of grounds.
• The ability to cultivate fertile areas in the South of the island, away from Ioulida, might have turned many people's interests towards that area.

It is important to notice that small settlements first started to appear in the south of the island as a result of the settling of farmers there and of the distance from Ioulida that did not allow for daily "commuting". On the contrary, the creation of new significant settlements in the area examined (Korissia, Vourkari, Otzias) is a result of more complex influences and mainly of the gradual "opening up" of the island to nearby areas (mainly to Attica) and of tourism development.

5. As an epilogue

• To show the harmonic continuation of human activity in the rural areas of the island from the time of Independence (1821) till the end of WWII and how this continuity is suddenly disrupted afterwards.
• To study the reasons for which the old "centralized" structure of Tzia is today transformed into a "lax", dispersed housing and economic whole.
• To investigate the relation of today's economic activities with those of the past -- mainly agricultural -- and the ways these are imprinted in land uses and in their changes in areas out of the settlements.

Summing up, we deem it necessary to make a reference to tourism development (borrowed from the "Special Regional Plan Study of Kea, Kythnos, Serifos and Sifnos") which is the main economic activity on the Island today and which, as we noticed, acts as a catalyst (often times threateningly) in its development. Tourism may on one hand be considered the main lever and a catalyst in the development process of a place that has no other dynamic sectors, but it is also an important force of social and ecological spoiling. Given the above ascertainment the main problem posed is not the acceptance of tourism's role but the way in which it will:

• Contribute in a substantial and positive manner to the local economy, and
• Not cause any irreversible damage to the natural and social environment of the area.

^(*) T.M. Whitelaw 1991. The ethnoarchaeology of recent rural settlement and land use in Northwest Keos. In, J.F. Cherry, J.L. Davis and E. Mantzourani (eds) Landscape Archaeology as Long-term History. Northern Keos in the Cycladic islands from earliest settlement until modern times. (Monumenta Archaeologica 16) Los Angeles, Institute of Archaeology. Pages 403-54.